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A federal appeals court on Monday struck down Virginia’s voter-approved ban on same-sex marriage, saying that withholding the fundamental right to marry from gay couples is a new form of “segregation” that the Constitution cannot abide.

I grew up in the South, where sexism can be so aggressive it smacks you upside the head (or in other places), so naturalized it’s like the sun coming up in the morning. In the late ’80s and early ’90s, when I was coming into adulthood, open expressions of feminist ideas could earn you hostility that was often downright scary.

But reading feminist authors like Marilyn French and Betty Friedan when I was an undergraduate at the University of Georgia gave me a sense that the resistance I felt to the discrimination I saw around me was something to be nurtured rather than overcome. I learned that being a feminist in the South was tough — it meant you had to be quick, Protean, subversive, and you damn well better have a sense of humor, or you would not survive. It also gave me strength and pride to identify with a movement that could correct wrongs and rewrite a social script that didn’t fit me.

Political families — from the Roosevelts to the Kennedys, Bushes and Clintons — have long been a part of American politics. And they are not new in Georgia, where Michelle Nunn, the Democratic nominee for Senate, is running for a seat her father, Sam, once held against a Republican, David Perdue, whose cousin was governor. Mr. Carter’s bid to unseat Gov. Nathan Deal, the Republican incumbent, is testing the strength and durability of the Carter name in Georgia, a red state that Democrats hope to turn blue.

But it is also a test of something more: a deep bond between a 38-year-old grandson and an 89-year-old grandfather who, in the words of Roy E. Barnes, Georgia’s last Democratic governor, “would walk on fire to help get Jason elected.”

RALEIGH, N.C. — The objective of the Republican Party here last year was clear: Unleash the pent-up conservative revolution in a state where the party had not controlled the state legislature and governor’s office for more than a century.

The newly empowered lawmakers cut taxes, pared unemployment benefits and eliminated business regulations. They allowed concealed guns in bars and restaurants, curtailed access to the voting booth and enacted new rules for abortion clinics. It was the most activist session in memory.

But this summer is a different story. One of the leaders of the revolution, Speaker Thom Tillis of the House, is trying to win a United States Senate seat. Another, Gov. Pat McCrory, is eyeing a tough challenge in 2016, and the legislature is unpopular.

That dynamic helps explain why the Republicans this week found themselves stuck in the sweltering capital, locked in an intraparty budget battle over teacher salaries, at loggerheads over how best to manage the state Medicaid system and riven by emerging personal, political and ideological agendas.

The most pressing of those may be that of Mr. Tillis, who is caught between the hard-right face of the last session and his likely need to appeal to more moderate voters as he tries to unseat Senator Kay Hagan in one of the races that could decide control of the Senate.

In 2005 and 2006, two moderate Democratic candidates, Jim Webb and Tim Kaine, won in Virginia with large margins in the Washington suburbs. Their victories demonstrated that there was a new path to victory for Democrats, one that did not depend on winning Southern conservative Democrats, the way Mark Warner did in 2001.

Georgia might well be moving down the same road as Virginia. No other plausibly competitive state — not Nevada or Virginia, not Colorado or North Carolina — has had a change in the racial composition of the electorate that’s as favorable for Democrats. That’s giving Georgia Democrats hope that they might win a race that they almost certainly would have viewed as a lost cause only a few years ago.

After more than two months of intraparty fighting, David Perdue, a former chief executive of Dollar General, won Tuesday’s Republican runoff in Georgia to become his party’s Senate nominee, setting up one of the few contests where Democrats have hopes of taking a Republican-controlled seat in the midterm elections.

Mr. Perdue’s victory over Jack Kingston, an 11-term Georgia congressman, with just under 51 percent of the vote on Tuesday evening upset both public polling predictions and conventional wisdom, which had Mr. Kingston slightly ahead, despite having finished second to Mr. Perdue in the May primary. In the general election, Mr. Perdue will face Michelle Nunn, a Democrat, former chief executive of the Points of Light volunteer group and the daughter of Sam Nunn, the former Georgia senator.

FLORENCE, Ala. — Tom Hendrix spent a quarter-century stacking eight million pounds of sandstone and limestone to honor a woman he never knew. In the autumn of his life, Mr. Hendrix now sees his Wichahpi Commemorative Stone Wall, a few steps from the Natchez Trace Parkway in northern Alabama, beckoning wanderers, spiritual leaders and artists.

Dedicated to his Native American great-great grandmother, Te-lah-nay, the wall, recorded in the Library of Congress, ranges in height from four feet to almost six feet in some spots and is the largest unmortared wall in the United States. It commemorates Te-lah-nay’s five-year walk home from Oklahoma to Florence after she was displaced during the Trail of Tears, the forced relocation of Native Americans from the Southeast following the Indian Removal Act of 1830.

Peter Yarrow of Peter, Paul and Mary gave “Down by the Riverside” a line about fracking. Vanaver Caravan, a dance troupe backed by a folky string band, added a verse about income inequality and the Occupy movement to “Union Maid.” The bluesman Guy Davis updated Lead Belly’s “Midnight Special” with references to Dick Cheney and Guantánamo.

That’s how Pete Seeger’s messages and methods — using sturdy traditional tunes to carry topical thoughts — were carried on at Lincoln Center Out of Doors’ part of Seeger Fest, a five-day memorial to Pete and Toshi Seeger held in New York City and around the Hudson Valley. Pete Seeger died in January, just six months after the death of his wife, Toshi.

Jumbo’s is closing in Miami. It was the first white-owned restaurant to integrate in Miami. The first white-owned restaurant to integrate in Atlanta — Herren’s — closed long ago.